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By John Lamberton Harper
Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804) was once an illegitimate West Indian emigrant who turned the 1st U.S. Secretary of the Treasury. American Machiavelli specializes in Hamilton's arguable actions as international coverage adviser and aspiring army chief. within the first significant research of his international coverage position in 30 years, John Lamberton Harper describes a decade of sour department over the function of the government within the economic system in the course of the 1790s and attracts parallels among Hamilton and the 16th century Italian political adviser, Niccolò Machiavelli. Harper presents an unique and hugely readable account of Hamiltonas recognized clashes with Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, and his key function in defining the U.S. nationwide protection method. John Lamberton Harper is Professor of overseas coverage and ecu stories on the Johns Hopkins college Bologna heart. he's the writer of the USA and the Reconstruction of Italy, 1945-1948 (Cambridge 1986), winner of the 1987 Marraro Prize from the Society for Italian historic stories, and American Visions of Europe: Franklin D. Roosevelt, George F. Kennan, and Dean G. Asheson (Cambridge 1994), winner of the 1995 Robert Ferrell Prize from the Society of Historians of yankee overseas kinfolk. His articles and experiences have seemed in different courses, together with the yank ancient assessment, The magazine of yank historical past, the days Literary complement and international Affairs.
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Additional info for American Machiavelli: Alexander Hamilton and the Origins of U.S. Foreign Policy
Both were inclined to prefer glory to longevity, and to republican purity, if that became the choice. Paradoxical though it may seem, the war served to strengthen Hamilton’s attachment to the British model while reinforcing a fundamentally Machiavellian view of France. In a political pamphlet he wrote in early 1775, several months before the ﬁrst shots of the war were ﬁred at Lexington and Concord, Hamilton had argued that the American colonies were bound to the monarchy – “the great connecting principle” – but should enjoy complete legislative autonomy.
G. A. Pocock: The institutions of the new ﬁnance, of which the Bank of England and the National Debt came to be the most important, were essentially a series of devices for encouraging the large or small investor to lend capital to the state, investing in its future political stability and strengthening this by the act of investment itself, while deriving a guaranteed income from the return on the sum invested. With the aid of the invested capital, the state was able to maintain larger and more permanent armies and bureaucracies – incidentally increasing the resources at the disposal of political patronage – and as long as its affairs visibly prospered, it was able to attract further investments and conduct larger and longer wars.
Likewise, international society, operating in the state of nature, divided itself into the strong and the weak. Vattel was no Machiavelli, but neither was he a progenitor of the idea that the “international community” should intervene in the internal affairs of sovereign states. Vattel’s 1759 treatise, which provided the framework for much late-eighteenth-century discussion of international politics, maintained that in practice many obligations among states could be interpreted as nonbinding.
American Machiavelli: Alexander Hamilton and the Origins of U.S. Foreign Policy by John Lamberton Harper